Based on the Mexican case, after an evident failure of social policies as effective instruments to fight poverty during neoliberal government terms (1982-2018) and arguing in favor of the convenience of submitting it to a profound reorientation, the present article postulate a thesis where the confluence of interests between the new federal government, that took office on December 1, 2018, and the cooperative and social solidarity economy movement could be produced when social policies abandon their old clientelist, assistance and paternalistic inclinations, in order to assume a citizens' capabilities and skills development focus. Only under these conditions, organized civil society could take responsibility for the solution of their own problems at a local level, counting with a strong and consistent support from governmental institutions.
Based on the Mexican case, after an evident failure of social policies as effective instruments to fight poverty during neoliberal government terms (1982-2018) and arguing in favor of the convenience of submitting it to a profound reorientation, the present article postulate a thesis where the confluence of interests between the new federal government, that took office on December 1, 2018, and the cooperative and social solidarity economy movement could be produced when social policies abandon their old clientelist, assistance and paternalistic inclinations, in order to assume a citizens' capabilities and skills development focus. Only under these conditions, organized civil society could take responsibility for the solution of their own problems at a local level, counting with a strong and consistent support from governmental institutions. ; Tomando como base el caso mexicano, en el presente artículo, después de evidenciar el fracaso de la política social como instrumento efectivo de combate a la pobreza durante los gobiernos de la época neoliberal (1982-2018) y argumentar a favor de la conveniencia de someterla a una profunda reorientación, se postula la tesis de que la confluencia de intereses entre el nuevo gobierno federal que entró en funciones el pasado 1 de diciembre de 2018 y el movimiento cooperativo y de la economía social solidaria, podría producirse en la medida en que la política social abandonara sus añejas inclinaciones clientelistas, asistencialistas y paternalistas, para asumir un enfoque de desarrollo de las capacidades y destrezas de la ciudadanía. Sólo bajo estas condiciones, la sociedad civil organizada podría hacerse responsable de la solución de sus propios problemas a nivel local, contando para ello con un fuerte y consistente apoyo del aparato gubernamental. The social solidary economy and the new federal government's social policy Abstract Based on the Mexican case, after an evident failure of social policies as effective instruments to fight poverty during neoliberal government terms (1982-2018) and arguing in favor of the convenience of submitting it to a profound reorientation, the present article postulate a thesis where the confluence of interests between the new federal government, that took office on December 1, 2018, and the cooperative and social solidarity economy movement could be produced when social policies abandon their old clientelist, assistance and paternalistic inclinations, in order to assume a citizens' capabilities and skills development focus. Only under these conditions, organized civil society could take responsibility for the solution of their own problems at a local level, counting with a strong and consistent support from governmental institutions. Keywords: Cooperativism, public policies, clientelism, assistance.
El objetivo del presente artículo consiste en analizar los distintos procesos de institucionalización de la economía social y solidaria en el marco de experiencias de transición democrática impulsadas por diversos partidos de izquierda en América Latina. Aunque los resultados fueron disimiles en cada país, en términos generales resultan desalentadores debido a la falta de afinidad entre la concepción y objetivos de la élite gobernante y las necesidades reales de fomento y promoción de las empresas de la economía social y solidaria. Los intereses, objetivos y expectativas de los diferentes gobiernos quedaron enclaustradas en sus prioridades de legitimación y reproducción política, en tanto que las aspiraciones de los actores de la economía social y solidaria no encontraron cabida en el estilo instrumental y vertical con el que se aplicaron las políticas públicas en esta materia.
Summary. This document sets out, in general terms, the process of developing the Society of Democratic Workers of the West, from its origins in the Euzkadi Single Revolutionary Workers' Union in the early 1930s to the present, in order to highlight how it has overcome the challenges that the country's economic and political context has posed it at various times of its historical development. This experience is worth recounting because it is full of nuances, progress and setbacks, which require a constant change of strategies such as those of moving from one trade union to another cooperative organisation and finally to manage both forms of social participation, without losing sight of the fact that what is ultimately decisive is to achieve direct ownership of the value generated in the production process. ; Resumen En este documento se expone, en términos generales, el proceso de desarrollo de la Sociedad Cooperativa Trabajadores Democráticos de Occidente, desde sus orígenes en el Sindicato Único Revolucionario de Trabajadores de Euzkadi a principios de los años treinta, hasta la actualidad, a fin de destacar la forma en que ha sorteado los retos que el contexto económico y político del país le ha planteado en distintos momentos de su devenir histórico. Se trata de una experiencia que vale la pena relatar porque está llena de matices, de avances y retrocesos que obligan a un constante cambio de estrategias como las que supone pasar de una organización sindical a otra cooperativa y finalmente a manejar ambas formas de participación social, sin perder de vista que lo determinante, en última instancia, es lograr la apropiación directa del valor generado en el proceso productivo.
A pesar de la globalización de la economía y los incesantes intentos por subordinar todas las formas de producción a la lógica de la acumulación capitalista, la resistencia de los trabajadores persiste mediante la implementación de diversos modelos de gestión social del trabajo, entre los que destacan los puestos en marcha por los actores de la economía popular, la economía social y la economía solidaria. Precisar la identidad organizacional de estas tres formas de trabajo, para el caso específico de México, constituye el propósito principal del presente artículo, habiéndose identificado que, por su naturaleza, el sistema de trabajo que corresponde a cada una de ellas es de tipo autónomo, asociativo-autogestionario y asociativo-autogestionario-solidario, respectivamente. Despite the globalization of the economy and the incessant attempts to subordinate all forms of production to the logic of capitalist accumulation, the resistance of workers persists through the implementation of various models of social work management, among which the posts launched by the actors of the popular economy, the social economy and the solidarity economy. Specify the organizational identity of these three forms of work, for the specific case of Mexico, is the main purpose of this article, having identified that, by its nature, the work system that corresponds to each of them is of autonomous type, associative-self-management and associative-self-management-solidarity, respectively.
The paper aims to deepen understanding of the design and implementation processes of public policies to promote the social and solidarity economy (SSE) in Mexico City (CDMX) during the period 2016-2019, and to propose general guidelines to improve and refine them. The paper is based on a review of published materials and field research. The main findings include the following: (a) policies to promote SSE are maintained largely because of legal and institutional inertia and the pressure of social demands to combat unemployment; (b) owing to serious budgetary and staffing constraints, the Ministry of Labour and Employment Promotion (STyFE), which is responsible for implementing the provisions of the Law on the Social and Solidarity Economy (LESS), only serves the cooperative sector and not the whole range of associations recognized as an integral part of the social sector of the economy; (c) little is being done to implement or refine the legal framework; (d) between 2015 and 2018, modest results were achieved, which were marred by the mismanagement (by officials and beneficiaries) of resources and programmes intended to support SSE; (e) in 2019, within the framework of the self-styled "republican austerity", there was a major administrative centralization of the programmes, accompanied by mass layoffs of employees and instructors, the inexperience of the new authorities and the establishment of new 2shell" cooperatives; and (f) the shortcomings of government efforts to guide and channel the transformative and innovative potential of SSE were evident throughout the period under review. Recommendations: (a) immediately align the legislation applicable to SSE enterprises with the Local Constitution and the comprehensive reform of the Law on Cooperative Development of the Federal District (LFCDF); (b) prepare a reliable and updated directory of cooperatives; (c) make all administrative processes simple, flexible and transparent; (d) establish a georeferencing procedure for each cooperative that provides real-time status updates; (e) develop multi-year programmes to achieve long-term goals; (f) tackle intergroup conflicts in the management of institutional spaces; (g) coordinate the public bodies involved in the implementation of public policies - the Government of Mexico City (GCDMX) and the municipalities; (h) set lower quantitative targets than in 2019, giving priority to qualitative aspects (capacity-building and technical support for cooperatives) over quantitative aspects (number of cooperatives formed or strengthened); (i) adopt a standardized training methodology for the formation and strengthening of cooperatives; (j) ongoing evaluation of programmes by institutions that are external to GCDMX; (k) revive the Advisory Council for Cooperative Development of the Federal District (CCFCDF) as an institutional space for dialogue and decision-making with the cooperative movement; (l) encourage research and diagnostic assessments on the conditions in which cooperatives operate and consider, in the light of evidence-based research, the possibility of extending public policy beyond the cooperative sector.
The paper aims to deepen understanding of the design and implementation processes of public policies to promote the social and solidarity economy (SSE) in Mexico City (CDMX) during the period 2016-2019, and to propose general guidelines to improve and refine them. The paper is based on a review of published materials and field research. The main findings include the following: (a) policies to promote SSE are maintained largely because of legal and institutional inertia and the pressure of social demands to combat unemployment; (b) owing to serious budgetary and staffing constraints, the Ministry of Labour and Employment Promotion (STyFE), which is responsible for implementing the provisions of the Law on the Social and Solidarity Economy (LESS), only serves the cooperative sector and not the whole range of associations recognized as an integral part of the social sector of the economy; (c) little is being done to implement or refine the legal framework; (d) between 2015 and 2018, modest results were achieved, which were marred by the mismanagement (by officials and beneficiaries) of resources and programmes intended to support SSE; (e) in 2019, within the framework of the self-styled "republican austerity", there was a major administrative centralization of the programmes, accompanied by mass layoffs of employees and instructors, the inexperience of the new authorities and the establishment of new 2shell" cooperatives; and (f) the shortcomings of government efforts to guide and channel the transformative and innovative potential of SSE were evident throughout the period under review. Recommendations: (a) immediately align the legislation applicable to SSE enterprises with the Local Constitution and the comprehensive reform of the Law on Cooperative Development of the Federal District (LFCDF); (b) prepare a reliable and updated directory of cooperatives; (c) make all administrative processes simple, flexible and transparent; (d) establish a georeferencing procedure for each cooperative that provides real-time status updates; (e) develop multi-year programmes to achieve long-term goals; (f) tackle intergroup conflicts in the management of institutional spaces; (g) coordinate the public bodies involved in the implementation of public policies - the Government of Mexico City (GCDMX) and the municipalities; (h) set lower quantitative targets than in 2019, giving priority to qualitative aspects (capacity-building and technical support for cooperatives) over quantitative aspects (number of cooperatives formed or strengthened); (i) adopt a standardized training methodology for the formation and strengthening of cooperatives; (j) ongoing evaluation of programmes by institutions that are external to GCDMX; (k) revive the Advisory Council for Cooperative Development of the Federal District (CCFCDF) as an institutional space for dialogue and decision-making with the cooperative movement; (l) encourage research and diagnostic assessments on the conditions in which cooperatives operate and consider, in the light of evidence-based research, the possibility of extending public policy beyond the cooperative sector.
The paper aims to deepen understanding of the design and implementation processes of public policies to promote the social and solidarity economy (SSE) in Mexico City (CDMX) during the period 2016-2019, and to propose general guidelines to improve and refine them. The paper is based on a review of published materials and field research. The main findings include the following: (a) policies to promote SSE are maintained largely because of legal and institutional inertia and the pressure of social demands to combat unemployment; (b) owing to serious budgetary and staffing constraints, the Ministry of Labour and Employment Promotion (STyFE), which is responsible for implementing the provisions of the Law on the Social and Solidarity Economy (LESS), only serves the cooperative sector and not the whole range of associations recognized as an integral part of the social sector of the economy; (c) little is being done to implement or refine the legal framework; (d) between 2015 and 2018, modest results were achieved, which were marred by the mismanagement (by officials and beneficiaries) of resources and programmes intended to support SSE; (e) in 2019, within the framework of the self-styled "republican austerity", there was a major administrative centralization of the programmes, accompanied by mass layoffs of employees and instructors, the inexperience of the new authorities and the establishment of new 2shell" cooperatives; and (f) the shortcomings of government efforts to guide and channel the transformative and innovative potential of SSE were evident throughout the period under review. Recommendations: (a) immediately align the legislation applicable to SSE enterprises with the Local Constitution and the comprehensive reform of the Law on Cooperative Development of the Federal District (LFCDF); (b) prepare a reliable and updated directory of cooperatives; (c) make all administrative processes simple, flexible and transparent; (d) establish a georeferencing procedure for each cooperative that provides real-time status updates; (e) develop multi-year programmes to achieve long-term goals; (f) tackle intergroup conflicts in the management of institutional spaces; (g) coordinate the public bodies involved in the implementation of public policies - the Government of Mexico City (GCDMX) and the municipalities; (h) set lower quantitative targets than in 2019, giving priority to qualitative aspects (capacity-building and technical support for cooperatives) over quantitative aspects (number of cooperatives formed or strengthened); (i) adopt a standardized training methodology for the formation and strengthening of cooperatives; (j) ongoing evaluation of programmes by institutions that are external to GCDMX; (k) revive the Advisory Council for Cooperative Development of the Federal District (CCFCDF) as an institutional space for dialogue and decision-making with the cooperative movement; (l) encourage research and diagnostic assessments on the conditions in which cooperatives operate and consider, in the light of evidence-based research, the possibility of extending public policy beyond the cooperative sector.
En este artículo se comparten los resultados de un trabajo de investigación que tuvo como objetivo general identificar las formas de trabajo comunitario voluntario que se practican en las comunidades nahua de Santa María Tecuanulco, Santa Catarina del Monte y San Pablo Ixayoc, pertenecientes al municipio de Texcoco, Estado de México y establecer su grado de aproximación con las prácticas anti sistémicas y contraculturales de la economía solidaria. La investigación asumió un enfoque sociológico y jurídico y comprendió la revisión exhaustiva de la legislación que regula estas formas de trabajo, tanto a nivel nacional como estatal. Adicionalmente, se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas con informantes clave y observación participante. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que a pesar de los diversos factores exógenos que intervienen en la desintegración de su cosmovisión indígena y campesina, en las comunidades estudiadas subsiste una amplia variedad de formas de trabajo comunitario voluntario, que exhiben una gran vitalidad y que asumen un carácter netamente autogestivo y solidario. Dichas prácticas pueden agruparse en cuatro subtipos, a saber: las relacionadas con aspectos o necesidades sociales, las que están asociadas a ritos y fiestas religiosas, las de carácter hibrido que combinan elementos de orden social y religioso y las formas emergentes.
El objetivo general del presente artículo consiste en reflexionar acerca de las causas profundas que explican el atraso ancestral de las sociedades latinoamericanas y perfilar una estrategia de salida a dicha problemática. La metodología utilizada consistió en la revisión de un amplio material bibliográfico que permite constatar que el Estado fallido y la sociedad civil sumisa y diletante, que hoy distingue a la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos, constituyen las dos caras de un mismo círculo vicioso que reproduce el rezago económico y facilita la manipulación ideológica y política del clientelismo depredador. Para enfrentar tales obstáculos estructurales, se recomienda emprender un proceso de cambio que permita impulsar, en forma simultánea y coordinada, la reforma integral del Estado clientelista y la organización autónoma de la gente para que, al convertirse en sujeto colectivo, se movilice en pos de la construcción de soluciones innovadoras desde abajo.
En este artículo se analiza el proceso de gestación y desarrollo del cooperativismo cafetalero en la región de Huatusco, Veracruz, durante los diecisiete años transcurridos del presente siglo. El objetivo del estudio consistió en indagar sobre las vías de surgimiento de las cooperativas, así como sobre los mecanismos de vinculación con los organismos públicos encargados de promover el desarrollo rural en el campo veracruzano. Como consecuencia, ha sido posible actualizar el panorama asociativo del cooperativismo cafetalero y elaborar una tipología de sociedades cooperativas, según su grado de autonomía frente a los distintos grupos de interés.
O presente texto tem a dupla função de fazer a apresentação formal do dossiê Trabalho e Cooperativismo Rural e abordar alguns aspectos históricos, geoeconômicos e teóricos que foram julgados importantes pelos organizadores para compreensão do movimento cooperativo no meio rural latino-americano.
